LES MAI MAI "BAKATA KATANGA" CHERCHENT L'INDEPENDANCE DU KATANGA

La population de Lubumbashi a été surprise ce samedi 23 mars 2013 par une attaque organisée par un groupe de Maï Maï denommé "BAKATA KATANGA" dont la principale lutte est la Balkanisation du pays avec la restauration du Katanga entant que Pays.Cette tentative qui,après l'indépendance du Congo, fut l'oeuvre de la Belgique pour saboter le nouveau gouvernement,avait reçue l'appui de certains de nos compatriotes katangais à cause de l'instabilité dans la quelle les politiciens de l'époque avait plongé le pays.Le maillon faible pour faire tomber le gouvernement était la province du Katanga.On sait que le rêve de nos compatriotes a été de courte durée.La sécession katangaise n'est jamais allée plus loin, suite aux divisions entre les katangais eux-même.Juste qu'aujourd'hui, certains de nos frères continuent à rêver.Ils veulent encore,dans l'état actuel de la politique mondial,faire du Katanga un pays, à cause de l'instabilité politique et la pauvreté dans laquelle la population congolaise se retrouve.Sans pour autant appuyer cette nouvelle tentative, de séparer le Katanga du grand Congo,nous croyons que la situation actuelle au pays peut conduire chaque groupe de peuple à chercher son auto-détermination.C'est vrai que le Katanga est une province riche avec une population qui ne profite pas de sa richesse.Ceci est commun à toutes les autres provinces qui ne veulent pas se séparer du grand Congo.La sécession en ce moment ne profitera pas.C'est qui est bizarre est que certaines des personnes qui ont pillé le pays sont complices.Le Congo reste et restera uni par la Grâce de Dieu.

Amnesty International analyse la situation en RDC

10 facts you should know about the crisis in the DRC What is the crisis in the DRC all about? After two successive wars which tore apart the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) between 1996 and 2003, the DRC government has failed to establish its authority across the vast country leading to the proliferation of a multitude of foreign and local armed groups, particularly in the east. These groups have fought each other and the Congolese army (FARDC) for power, defence of their communities and control of natural resources. The on and off confrontation of these groups and the DRC national army has resulted in widespread human rights abuses committed by all parties, including torture, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, recruitment of child soldiers, extrajudicial executions and unlawful arrests. Abuses reached alarming levels in late 2012 and more than 2.4 million people were internally displaced. Since May 2012, the national army has mainly been fighting the M23 armed group. In late February 2013, existing divisions within the M23 armed group climaxed with open hostilities emerging within the group which led to the flight of Bosco Ntaganda and some of his close associates to Rwanda. Who is responsible for this situation? Both the Congolese army and armed groups have been responsible for widespread abuses against civilians across the DRC. Over the years, neighbouring countries have also been accused by the UN Group of Experts of supporting certain armed groups with funds, material and recruits. Countries who are not respecting the UN arms embargo on armed groups in the DRC have also contributed to the huge flow of weapons in the region. Army members responsible for serious human rights abuses in the past have been promoted in its ranks, as armed groups were integrated into official structures without proper vetting mechanisms. What is the M23? The Movement of 23 March (M23) was created in May 2012 following desertions in April of mostly ex-soldiers from the Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple (CNDP) who had been integrated in the FARDC (DRC national army) as a result of a peace agreement struck on 23 March 2009 between the CNDP and the DRC government. The M23 has a political wing and a military wing and its commanders include a number of people suspected of having committed serious international human rights abuses and humanitarian law violations in the past. Who is Bosco Ntaganda? Bosco Ntaganda is part of the M23 armed group. While his commanding rank is unclear, in part due to tensions between his supporters and members loyal to Laurent Nkunda, according the UN Group of Experts on DRC, Bosco Ntaganda remains one of the main commanders. Bosco Ntaganda has been under an arrest warrant issued by the International Criminal Court since 2006 for crimes allegedly committed in the Ituri district in 2003 when he allegedly was a commander of the FPLC armed group. What are the interests of the armed groups? To varying degrees, armed groups are driven by the struggle for power, economic motives such as access to minerals and other natural resources and looting and ethnic agendas. Many officially claim to be protecting the rights and interests of their communities. Is the M23 responsible for human rights abuses? Yes. We have documented patterns of human rights abuses and war crimes committed by the M23, including violations of the duty to care for the civilian population when launching attacks, forced recruitment of children who were either trained to take part in hostilities or forced to work to build military positions, unlawful killings, and acts of sexual violence. Amnesty International also documented allegations of rape committed by M23 soldiers while this group extended its control over Rutshuru territory. A 26 year old woman described how M23 members entered her village in Rutshuru territory after the FARDC fled in July 2012. She was hiding in her house when M23 soldiers broke in. Three armed men speaking Kinyarwanda raped her and threatened to kill her if she did not leave. She is aware of three other women; her neighbours who also have been raped by other M23 soldiers the same day. Their husbands had left for several days to sell and buy goods in another part of the territory. We have also received credible information from various sources within the UN about confirmed cases of summary executions or unlawful killings by M23 soldiers of civilians, including community leaders, and FARDC prisoners. What does the M23 say about the accusations? When Amnesty International delegates met with Sultani Makenga and Vianney Kazarama, the M23 military spokesperson, in September 2012 in Rutshuru, both stressed their national agenda in terms of improvement of good governance, democracy and human rights as the underlying reasons for the M23. The M23 officials denied all allegations of summary executions, recruitment of children, looting and extortion. They only acknowledge minor cases of theft by their soldiers and insisted those responsible for such acts received disciplinary sanctions. To date, no M23 soldiers have been held accountable for the abuses documented by Amnesty International and other organizations. This pervasive impunity is worsened by the fact that all judicial bodies have been suspended in areas controlled by the M23 in Rutshuru territory. The total absence of any independent judicial institutions in charge of investigating and prosecuting such crimes can only fuel more abuses in the future. Who has supported the M23? Amnesty International has documented Rwandan support for this armed group in the form of provision of weapons, ammunition and recruits. Have they ever been attempts to reach peace in the DRC? The various peace agreements that included provisions on the integration of armed groups into the FARDC had little impact. Many armed groups never took part in such integration processes, some who did remained active despite the integration of some of their forces, those who did integrate into the army developed parallel chains of command, and many deserted soon after integration. What about the UN? Under threat from both armed groups and the Congolese army, civilians have turned to the UN peacekeeping mission, MONUSCO, for protection. The UN Security Council allowed MONUSCO to use force to protect civilians under imminent threat of physical violence. It was also mandated to support military operations led by the Congolese army. MONUSCO is partly dependent on the Congolese army, whose weaknesses pose an additional challenge to its ability to implement its protection mandate. Sign Up Get updates on Amnesty's work to protect human rights worldwide. Act Now President Obama: Write Just One Letter for Justice Reaffirming the US signature to the Rome Statute would support the work of the International Criminal Court (ICC) and bolster US leadership in holding perpetrators of mass atrocities accountable for their crimes. Take Action View All Actions Donate Now Support human rights with a donation to Amnesty today. Donate Now Feature Congolese War Crimes Fugitive Surrenders As the "Terminator" Bosco Ntaganda awaits transfer to The Hague, the Obama administration must reaffirm its commitment to the International Criminal Court. Learn More

REACTION DE AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL SUITE AU DECES DU CHAUFFEUR MOZAMBICAIN

Death of Mozambican man at hands of South Africa police 'shocking' Media reports and cell phone footage apparently showing members of the South African Police Service tying a Mozambican man to the back of a police vehicle and dragging him down the road are “shocking”, Amnesty International said today. The man is reported to have died later in a police cell from head injuries. “This appalling incident involving excessive force is the latest in an increasingly disturbing pattern of brutal police conduct in South Africa,” said Noel Kututwa, Amnesty International’s southern Africa director. “The Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) must be fully supported in conducting its investigation to ensure those responsible are brought to justice.” “Amnesty International urges the South African government to make a public commitment to ensure that the police stop the use of excessive force and deliberate targeted killings.” The Independent Police Investigative Directorate (IPID) received 720 new cases for investigation of suspicious deaths in custody or in other policing contexts from April 2011 to March 2012.

UN CHAUFFEUR MOZAMBICAIN TUE PAR LA POLICE SUD AFRICAIN

C'est avec beaucoup de peine que le monde a observé la manière atroce qu'un citoyen mozambicain a trouvé la mort entre les mains des éléments de la Police sud africaine.Malgré que la Police congolaise a toujours été brutale, je n'ai pas vue un congolais ou un étranger être traité de la manière qui a conduit le chauffeur mozambicain à trouver la mort. Il paraît qu'il n'a rien fait de mauvais pour mériter d'être trainé par-ci par là, battue au moyen des boyaux et puis lié à une camionnette qui l'a tiré sur une longue distance,ses pieds se frottant sur le sol.Il fallait voir avec quel zèle les policiers accomplissaient leur sale besogne.Ils étaient fiers de leur travail.Sans calculer les conséquences,ils ont réalisé une des choses que je n'oublierai jamais.J'ai vu les policiers tirer à bout portant sur un monsieur (TITANE) alors qu'il n'avait pas d'armes.C'est terrible!Des tels actes doivent être bannis de nos mentalité.Que l'âme du défunt se repose en paix et Dieu aide et assiste sa famille.

LA GUERRE RECOMMENCE

Il y a encore la guerre à l'Est de la RDC, malgré la signature il y a quelques jours de l'accord portant arrêt des hostilités sur le sol Congolais.Les pays qui soutiennent la paix en RDC ont maintenant une preuve que dans les circonstances actuelles la paix en RDC est loin d'être restaurée.Les pays voisins de la RDC soutiennent de plans maléfiques de déstabilisation du Congo.La preuve est là. Les milices sont toujours approvisionnés en armes et munitions.Les groupes rebelles assistées par le Rwanda et l'Ougadan continue à plonger les paisibles populations de l'Est dans un deuil perpertuel.Ils ont déjà tout détruit.Ils veulent maintenant terminer le reste d'espoir que la population garde encore dans son coeur.Pourqoui la communauté internationale reste toujours passive devant les actes barbares que posent des criminels soutenus par des voisins? Un jour l'hisoire donnera raison au Congolais et toute personne impliquée d'une manière ou d'une autre dans la crise en RDC,aura son compte.